Mini interview

Abdul Wahid, member of Hizb ut-Tahrir's executive committee and west London GP
September 24, 2005
Q Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT) is a radical Islamic group that stresses nonviolence (at least in Britain), so many people were shocked at Tony Blair's suggestion that you might be banned. But there are two big problems with HT. First, you seem to play a "transmission belt" role for many young British Muslims who get their first taste of fundamentalism from you and then move on to more violent groups. Second, you have openly opposed the idea of co-operating in the handing over of terror suspects to the authorities. How can you reassure politicians and the public on those points?

A It should shock people that we may be proscribed. Not even Sinn Fein, with declared links to a terrorist organisation at the height of the Troubles, was banned. I reject the "transmission belt" role you assert. It is built upon many false premises. Our political culture stresses nonviolence and the importance of finding intellectual and political solutions to our problems. We say this because we consider that the problems of the Muslim world are the result of a decline in the quality of thought leading to political ineptitude. Our mantra is that the problems in the Muslim world, including occupation, are symptoms of a deeper one that needs a political solution. That is something that people who hear us speak and read our literature are very clear on. Indeed, in some parts of the Muslim world, we are accused of being too political in our solutions. We deal with a population politicised by world events, and channel their emotion into this nonviolent political work. It is, in fact, foreign policy that makes Muslims angry. We replace anger with hope by providing a convincing political solution. That has been our position for over 50 years, even in the face of severe repression in some parts of the world. On your second point, we have never said we oppose the handing over of terror suspects to the authorities. We have said that if an individual Muslim is faced with someone who was unwavering about committing harm to others, one has no choice but to tell the authorities in order to prevent the harm to others. We also advise people to be careful of the climate of paranoia that exists at sensitive times. Many arrests in Britain and some detainees in Guantánamo bay were innocent people maliciously reported to the police.


Q
You used to support suicide bombings in Israel. Is that still your position?

A There is a fundamental question you have to answer first. Do people who have suffered the occupation of their land, expulsion and the loss of self-determination have the right to resist? If it is accepted that an occupied people have a right to choose when to fight and when to make peace, only then can we discuss the means they use. Certainly, the means any people use will be dependent upon their resources. So people with tanks, planes and guns would use these and people without these would use whatever means they do have. To deny this principle would be to say to the weak that it is illegitimate to defend yourself.

Q In all lands you reject both violent overthrow of the system and political participation in it—so how will you prevail?

A Our methodology is to change public opinion at a grassroots level and create a groundswell of support for our ideas. When that support is strong enough systems can change. In South Africa, public opinion changed and a new political system was established.

Q The more successful you are in Britain the worse it is for integration. In many schools and colleges, the main role of HT has been to stop Muslims going out with non-Muslims. Your general stance is one of Muslim chauvinism. You accept a duty of care towards your fellow citizens but you hold yourself apart from British society, rejecting participation in the political system and encouraging an enclave mentality.

A Contrary to what you may believe, we do not want to see social disharmony in Britain. Where we differ from the majority is that we would like to see this on terms where Muslims hold on to a strong identity based on Islam. This is because we and others, including some non-Muslims, think Muslims adhering to their faith have something to offer society by way of example. I concede that as a community we have not been good at engaging with the wider society, and there is a ghettoisation problem that needs to be managed. We are against party politics, but accept that many Muslims disagree with us and we discuss these disagreements with each other. However, it would be narrow-minded for anyone to think that political life is restricted to party political involvement.

Q Would you support the introduction of Shari'a law for Muslims in areas of high Muslim population in Britain, as is now happening in parts of Canada?

A
No. It won't work. Shari'a needs comprehensive implementation, and that is why, despite being in Britain, we wish to see a caliphate in the Muslim world.

Q You sound very reasonable, yet HT has been banned by the National Union of Students. Is there a gap between what you say and what your members do?

A About ten years ago we were new to campuses and some were over-enthusiastic with their first taste of political activism. Unfortunately, despite maturing in our work, old impressions have stuck. The NUS ban was passed in that era. But in places where there is a recent and significant first-hand experience of our ideas there has been weakening zeal for the NUS ban, and no appetite for proscription.

Q What will you do if HT is banned?

A We are working to avert a ban, and if it comes we will fight it legally.