Belgium's hour
It is rare for Belgium to be described as an island of sanity. But with two neighbours-France and the Netherlands-gripped by anti-immigrant populism, the Belgians have an opportunity to feel smug. Yet the Eurocracy is unsettled by the political mayhem on either side of the Belgian border. First Le Pen; then Fortuyn. There was electricity in the air at the commission press briefing, the day after Le Pen had eliminated Jospin from the French presidential elections. A commission spokesman went as far as to argue that some of Le Pen's policies were contrary to European law. There was also head-shaking about Fortuyn's platform-abolish the European Parliament; withdraw from the Schengen agreement on border-free travel. Forget the stuff about Islam-these proposals prove that the man must be mad.
More seriously, the question of how to cope with the rise of the far right-not just in France and Holland, but in Italy, Austria, Denmark and Belgium-is exercising the finest minds in Brussels. A race is developing between the forces of right-wing populism, which want to start unravelling bits of the EU and the arch-federalists, who fear that if they don't press home their advantage now, it may be too late. Thus Joschka Fischer, the German foreign minister, said recently that the rise of the anti-European, anti-immigrant right was particularly alarming since it was coinciding with the crucial final phase of European integration-an apparent reference to the European constitutional convention which is underway in Brussels. Romano Prodi is also arguing that the solution is "more Europe"-although in Prodi's case the solution to anything, from terrorism to rising damp, is always "more Europe."
The trouble is that although the convention is meant to bring together all strains of opinion in Europe, it cannot deal with the Le Pens and Haiders. That's fine when they can be dismissed as fringe loonies, with 5 per cent of the vote. But what if their share of the electorate is 20 per cent and rising? Under those circumstances, the Convention is in danger of looking seriously out-of-touch, with its peculiar combination of high-falutin' visions of deeper integration and arcane technical discussion-conducted under the increasingly implausible banner of "bringing Europe closer to the people." But if mainstream politicians begin to change their policies in response to the "far right," things may be no more comfortable. In France, for example, it looks likely that any new government-spooked by the rise of the far right-will want to pour money into the police and judicial system. But if they do, they are likely to contravene the solemn undertakings they have given to their fellow members of the euro-zone about budget deficits. Meanwhile, in the Netherlands, the Liberal party has come out against the enlargement of the EU. This change in tack is widely seen as a desperate response to the rise of the Pim Fortuyn list, and the Liberals' corresponding fall in the polls. Those who hope that the main response to the rise of the far right will be "more Europe" are likely to be disappointed.
Reshuffling Brits
It would be wrong, however, to suggest that the main topic of conversation in Brussels in recent weeks has been the possibility of a fascist resurgence in Europe. A far more gripping subject has been the reshuffle of top Eurocrats in the commission. The plum job was the director-general of the competition department-the only bit of the commission that can strike fear into the hearts of corporate bosses. The two front-runners for the job were both British- Jonathan Faull, who serves as the commission's chief spokesman, and Philip Lowe, who was head of Neil Kinnock's private office. Both men were placed in slightly invidious positions by the reshuffle. Faull had to put up with titters in the press room every time he had to answer a question on the subject-since everyone knew that he was scarcely a disinterested observer; Lowe had to cope with the suspicion that there might be the teeniest conflict-of-interest in the fact that as Kinnock's chef-de-cabinet, he was both presiding over the reshuffle, and applying for the most sought-after job involved. Apparently, however, Lowe left the room whenever the subject of who should get competition came up. That's OK then.
Innocent observers might have thought that Faull was the right man. He lectures in competition law at the Free University of Brussels in his spare time, has written a textbook on EU competition law and has served in every relevant bit of the competition directorate. Lowe, although he has worked briefly in the competition department, is noted mainly for his sanctimonious manner and his Machiavellian skills. No contest, obviously. Lowe got the job.
Schuman's holiday
As I write, I am alone in the "European quarter" of Brussels. Your diarist was the only person to have never heard of "Schuman day"-a holiday celebrated solely in the European institutions, marking the anniversary of the Schuman Declaration. Robert Schuman was the French foreign minister with a German name who set us on the path towards integration with his vision of a united Europe, enunciated on 9th May 1950. This year, 9th May was already a Belgian public holiday (something to do with the Virgin Mary) and Schuman day was moved to 10th May, a Friday, meaning that everyone bar me got four days off. But don't worry. They'll be back building Europe on Monday.
