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Trump: a preposterous answer to a serious grievance

By grappling with class, however crudely, the President-elect has smashed a smug consensus

by Thomas Frank / November 14, 2016 / Leave a comment
Published in December 2016 issue of Prospect Magazine
Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump speaks at a campaign rally in Grand Rapids, Mich., Tuesday, Nov. 8, 2016. © Paul Sancya/AP/Press Association Images

Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump speaks at a campaign rally in Grand Rapids, Mich., 8th November, 2016. ©Paul Sancya/AP/Press Association Images

And so the United States has embraced the demagogue, a man who ran for the presidency as a kind of lone entrepreneur, without benefit of funding or even a political party, really. Every poll had him losing, some of them had him losing massively. And he won, thanks to the votes of millions of working-class whites which he did not really have any business winning.

How did it happen? Well, consider the traditional party of the American working class. For years the Democrats have been beguiled by the idea that all political victories lay in a kind of squishy centrism that involved making compromises with the Republicans. Working-class people, they assumed, had “nowhere else to go” as the party’s leaders triangulated to the centre. And so, led by Hillary Clinton’s husband, they got the North Atlantic Free Trade Agreement (Nafta) passed and the banks deregulated—measures that were like poison to working class people and their organisations.

The great promise of centrism was that it delivered political victories. The Democratic Party’s various constituents would be abandoned, yes, but the Party itself would go from triumph to triumph. Here and there, certain people in the US pointed out that Republicans were making their own peculiar pitch to the working class, but Democrats closed their ears to that argument. In 2008, the Democrats succeeded by promising hope and action on behalf of middle-class Americans. They oversaw Wall Street bailouts instead. In 2016, with working people in fevered desperation, the Democrats chose to nominate the centrist par excellence, a woman who was visibly associated with trade agreements and Wall Street banks. Clinton was singularly ill-equipped to deal with the politics of class. She has never showed real interest in her party’s traditional mission. Her great vision, as she described it on the campaign trail, was a juiced-up meritocracy in which every talented person got a chance to compete.

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Comments

  1. John Doyle
    November 19, 2016 at 11:56
    Listening to William Domhoff parse the behaviour of the political parties through much of the 20th century makes one understand that this election only seems unusual. It in reality carries on with similar weirdness as has happened before. The two parties are often on the same side of the political landscape. So we see for example that northern republicans teamed up with southern democrats to gut progressive legislation in the Carter years. Now we see a significant cohort of disaffected democrats vote for Trump, enough to deny Clinton. So does this mean a new beginning which we hope Trump is empowered to do, or just more of the same mischief we voted against?
    Reply
  2. Andrew G
    November 20, 2016 at 01:12
    The degree of support for Bernie Sanders suggests that the political "centre" lies not between then Democrats and the Republicans but somewhere to the left of the Democrats. In fact more or less at the European "centre".
    Reply
  3. jimmieMack
    November 21, 2016 at 13:26
    A good analysis. But more than class, the real driver behind Trump's election, the vote to leave, and the many upsets the forthcoming elections in EU counties are bound to deliver, is something more basic: a sense of what is, and isn't, fair. Salaries which would have astounded 30 years ago now routinely go to people of little obvious ability or worth. Welfare goodies paid for by the masses go to people whose contribution to the pot Is questionable. Every culture is 'celebrated' except the culture of the majority. Working class whites - people who over the past 40 years have been most likely to have an immigrant as a neighbour, workmate or partner, are routinely suspected of racism by people who have not experienced mass immigration's considerable downside and who see racism everywhere except in their own attitude to British whites. The paradigm shift is finally here and the liberal left - traditionally, but no longer, on the side of fairness - is poised to become the biggest casualty.
    Reply

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