The Prime Minister has instructed the government to quietly consider what the UK’s position should be as we approach Brexit negotiations, and there are some merits to this approach. To exhaustion we all understand that Brexit means Brexit—we are leaving the European Union. But for this phrase to have any meaning, the government must provide further detail.
I welcome the Prime Minister’s recent announcement that she will flesh out the government’s vision for Brexit later in the month, but for our exit to be successful, the government must consider process as well as policy. And all of us must stop seeing ourselves as the 48 per cent who (like me) voted to remain and the 52 per cent who voted to leave, as remainers and leavers. Now is the time to come together as one nation—and ambitiously strive towards a better vision for our relationship with the EU.
There will be big policy questions to answer as we enter negotiations; will we retain membership of/access to the single market? Will we be members of the customs union? How do we control immigration? Will we fall back on World Trade Organisation or European Free Trade Area/European Economic Area rules? Will there be transitional controls? What impact will this have on jobs and economic growth?
To find answers to these difficult questions the government must carefully consider which parts of our membership of the EU have been successful and which have been a burden. We must get our own deal, not a template used by another country—a deal that works not only for the United Kingdom but for the other 27 nations. One that is tailored to our individual needs, and which benefits both businesses and the consumer. One that keeps our economy strong but addresses the legitimate concerns of people across Britain.
For my part, I would like to see the closest possible trading relationship with the European Union, one where we retain the benefits of the customs union and the sensibilities of the single market.
The Prime Minister is right to keep her cards close to her chest when it comes to her ideas of the best possible scenario. Nobody is seriously asking the Prime Minister to put every single detail of the government’s negotiating strategy in the public domain—that would hamper the negotiations. However, the government should detail the range of options on the table to allow an informed debate to proceed on one of the most important issues of our time. This is where process needs to be taken into account and communication needs to be enhanced.
Last year the High Court ruled that the government should consult parliament on the timing of Article 50. We now await the impending announcement of the government’s appeal to the Supreme Court. Regardless of whether the government is legally obliged, to carry the confidence of parliament it should give the House the opportunity to scrutinise all aspects of the plan.
I welcome the fact the government has held a series of debates in parliament on exiting the European Union. However, these debates are sometimes too niche and do not give MPs a real opportunity to debate what Brexit Britain should look like in relation to the big issues—like the single market or the customs union. Parliamentary debates discussing these subjects would be welcomed by all sides in the coming weeks.
This is a negotiation that will have profound constitutional consequences for our country. It should also be remembered that parliament, including the House of Lords, has a wealth of experience within it. We must make use of some of the brightest minds and knowledge our country has to offer. If the government does not want to have open, public scrutiny, then other vehicles are needed to allow parliamentarians to share this knowledge and this could seriously help our negotiating strategy.
The stakes could not be higher. If the renegotiation is to be successful the Prime Minister must consider how to better inform and engage with the public and Parliament.
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